MISSION AMONG THE POOR International, Inc.

SHINTO

I  Historical Roots

To Westerners, Japan remains an enigma. This is nowhere more true than in its religions. Japan's traditional faith, Shinto (or Kami no michi)-"the way of the gods"-is rooted in Japan's national history and is intricately intertwined with its culture.

Early Formative Period (Pre-History-AD 790)

Early Shinto (Before AD 538-552): The phrase "early Shinto" describes the religious life that flourished in Japan before Buddhism arrived in that country in the sixth century after Christ. The main written sources describing early Shinto are documents called Kojiki and Nihongi (chronicles of early myths recorded after 712 by members of the imperial court) and the Engishiki (descriptions of early prayers and rituals).

Because the myths of the Kojiki and the Nihongi were written so much later than the actual period they purport to describe, there is some question as to how accurately they describe the beliefs and practices of early Shinto. Nevertheless, it can be known that the traditions of early Shinto centered around agricultural festivals, clan or family loyalty, and reverence for life. Also, local shamans, as religious functionaries, spoke for the kami (gods) and combated evil spirits. They used Kagura, traditional Shinto sacred dance and music performed by young maidens (miko), to call forth the kami. Indeed, much of the traditional art, literature, and music of Japan may be connected to these shamanistic practices.

Many specific customs of the common folk in this period are now shrouded in some mystery. But one distinction clearly emerges from that ancient tradition, and that is that there are two major patterns of kami in Shinto: the hitogami and ujigami.

The hitogami are members of the class of kami ( or gami, gods) associated with sacred persons like shamans, sages, or saints. The hotogami system is strongly individualistic, and it reverences the important, sometimes idiosyncratic religious figures of Shinto history.

The ujigami, however, are a class of kami associated with families, clans, or a related local region. It is ujigami, not hitogami, that a Japanese family would reverence when participating as part of filial duty in ancestor veneration.

Early Interaction with Buddhism (552-710)

Between 538 and 522, new religions came to Japan from China and Korea. The arrival of Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism initiated new dynamics of religious interaction. In early Shinto, each community probably worshiped its local deity according to provincial custom. But under the influence of other faiths, the adherents of Shinto gradually organized their deities into a pantheon and coordinated a system of shrines.

Although neither Confucianism nor Taoism gathered a distinct religious following in Japan, great conflicts erupted over whether or not to accept Buddhism. These debates led to clan warfare and ultimately to the assassination of the emperor in 592. The winning clan leader placed on the throne his Buddhist niece, and she in turn chose as her regent the very influential Shotoku (573-621). Shotoku made Buddhism the national religion and used it as part of his campaign to consolidate the state and to create a more mature Japanese culture.

Despite Buddhism's importance in the imperial court, powerful clans still supported Shinto. Several emperors in the late 600s updated the Shinto rites and gave them parallel status with Buddhism. In this period, strong ritual connections emerged between the imperial court and the Grand Shrine of Ise. The Grand Shrine of Ise is dedicated to two goddesses, one of whom is the all-important Sun Goddess, Amaterasu.

The Writing of the Kojiki (712)

It was as part of this revival of Shinto in the imperial court that the emperor commissioned the writing of the Kojiki. The creation myths in the Kojiki present a cosmology of various gods. Seven generations of the kami culminate in the marriage of Izanagi (a male kami) and Izanami (a female kami). These two go down to an ocean, thrust a spear into the waves, and pull it out. At every place where a drop of brine falls from the spear, a Japanese island appears. Izanagi and Izanami then descend onto the islands and produce other kami. After several generations, Amaterasu, the Sun Goddess appears. Amaterasu, in turn, becomes the great grandmother of Jimmu, the first emperor.

The universe portrayed in these sources no doubt reflects the basic outline of the early Shinto worldview. It includes the High Plain of Heaven where the kami live, the human world, and a polluted shadow world below (yomi). The kami are gods or spiritual powers who can help or hinder human beings.

The emphasis on ritual purity runs deep in Japan. Shinto shrines are set apart; anything polluted by blood, disease, or death is prohibited. All who enter the grounds first cleanse themselves with water. More elaborate acts of ritual purification (such as standing motionless for several hours under a freezing waterfall) remove both inward and outward defilement and permit the kami to be present in helpful ways. These purification rites are called harai. (Harai also describes the state of ritual purity). To experience the kami, sanctuaries of cleanliness, which are free from the contamination of the world, are most important. This waiting for the coming of kami is still an important aspect of Shinto practice.

Buddhism's Rise in the Nara Period (710-784)

Toward the end of the formative period, Buddhism developed a system of temples centering around Nara (southwest of Tokyo). Buddhists founded six philosophical schools and continued their interaction and competition with Shinto. But Buddhism never totally eclipsed the less glamorous Shinto faith. In fact, Shinto played a role in legitimating Buddhism. Indeed, by the end of this period, the Japanese people had laid the foundations of syncretizing the two religions.

Period of Development (790-1600)

Heian Period (794-1185): As the Japanese moved their capital from Nara to Kyoto (784-794), the culture was moving toward feudalism. The imperial court was developing a highly stylized aesthetic cultural life. The Japanese consider the period after the move to Kyoto as the epitome of classical Japanese culture. The upper classes valued and aspired to miyabi, an elusive sense of courtly elegance and refined aesthetic taste.

Building on earlier foundations for cooperation, the Buddhists of this era developed an important concept, honji suijaku. This doctrine, translated as "true nature, trace manifestation", permitted the Buddhists to unify their gods, buddhas, and bodhisattvas (humans who attain buddhahood) with Shinto deities. The Buddhists considered the Shinto kami to be guardians, pupils, or expressions of Buddhist gods. In other words, the Shinto kami became "manifest traces" of true Buddhist realities.

Kamakura Period (1185-1333): As the Heian period wore on, the emperors increasingly sought more power. So did many restless feudal lords. These warlords had real power because they represented the famous samurai warrior class. The samurai developed a distinctive lifestyle, bushido, which combined several religious traditions into an ethic of self-discipline, loyalty, courage, and honor. In 1185, members of the increasingly powerful samurai class defeated the old order and established a new capital in Kamakura.

Shinto in this area experienced something of a revival. In the late 1200s, devotees of the Yui-ichi school of Shinto sought to reestablish the superiority and independence of Shinto. Now, with renewed self-confidence, the Yui-ichi school aspired to a purified Shinto, free of Buddhist and other influences. This pure Shinto included not only the shrine system with its various local activities but also the very important sense of national unity and identity derived from convictions about the divine origin of the imperial line and the spiritual uniqueness of Japan in the world.

To support the revival, the Yui-ichi school adapted honji suijaku, the "true nature, trace manifestation" doctrine. Now, the adherents of Shinto interpreted various Buddhist deities as manifest traces of the Shinto gods.

Period of Consolidation and Renewal (From1600)

Tokugawa Period (1600-1867): Increasing political conflict and chaos after the Kamakura period gradually ended when a group of very determined feudal lords set out to unify and stabilize the country. The most revered of these is Tokugawa Leyasu (1542-1616). While his predecessors had made considerable progress, it was Tokugawa who finally established a new shogunate with the seat of power in the new city of Edo (now Tokyo). These men not only conquered their rival feudal lords, but they also took control of the important Buddhist headquarters at Nara and of the imperial line itself.

For two and a half centuries, the Tokugawa government brought relative peace to Japan. The government became very protective of its own power, intrusive in the lives of the people, and resistant to international influence. As part of this policy, the Tokugawa shoguns banned Christianity but made Buddhism a branch of the state. The Tokugawa governors also revived Confucianism, an active faith of moral obligation or duty.

Meanwhile, Shinto continued to evolve toward nationalism. A renewed interest in Japan's classical literature permeated Shinto in this period. Advocates of Shinto sought to retrieve the historic Japanese spirit, to indoctrinate the people with this spirit, and to purge Japanese life of foreign influence. Several Shinto themes of the past-the divine origin of the imperial line and the sacredness of the national tradition-blossomed during the later Tokugawa period. This national ethos fostered a distrust and even hostility toward foreign ideas, including even those of China. The adaptation of Shinto themes to these nationalistic concerns created a kind of Shinto civil religion. The full fruit of this nationalism ripened in the twentieth century and culminated in World War II.

Meiji Period and the Modern Era (1868-1945): In 1868, various pressures, both from within Japan and from foreign nations, conspired to topple the Tokugawa regime. Soon the whole feudal system collapsed. A group of younger samurai class members restored the emperor to the throne in the famous Meiji restoration. Their banner cry was "return to antiquity", although ironically they quickly moved to bring Japan into the modern world. In 1889, the Japanese established a parliament system while retaining the emperor as a symbol. Japan turned its energies to becoming a powerful economic force influenced by Western-style democratic principles (although actual power continued in the hands of a small group of non-elected officials).

The government in the Meiji era lifted the ban on Christianity (as part of its movement into the modern world), disestablished Buddhism, and established Shinto as the state religion (as part of its restoration of the imperial line). In the late nineteenth century, missionaries reintroduced Roman Catholicism and introduced Protestantism for the first time. The Japanese made incredible economic and political strides, changing from a feudal state to a modern leader among the nations.

In the years leading up to World War II, Shinto played an increasingly prominent role in Japan's national life. The Constitution of 1889 officially declared a "nonreligious Shinto". This set of values and ideals-it is hard to call this form of Shinto a religion-served to affirm the imperial way and to glorify the natural structure. To this nonreligious use of Shinto, the government wedded Confucian ideals such as loyalty and filial piety as well as samurai values like self-discipline. This reinforced the national consciousness of sacred superiority. The nationalists used these notions of sacred nationalism and a stated desire to bring the "whole world under one roof" to support Japan's involvement in World War II.

It is difficult to interpret the prewar era of development in Shinto. Some have called this nonreligious use of Shinto "state Shinto". But this fails to appreciate that different persons who participated in this civil religion saw it in different ways. Government administrators may have used Shinto for propaganda purposes, but the common folk approached the practice of Shinto in much the same way as they had for centuries.

Some scholars say that the nationalistic and militaristic use of Shinto is in fact the creation of a separate Shinto cult. One calls it the Kokutai cult. The nationalistic use of Shinto by the government between 1868 and 1945 was to some degree an overlay over the traditional religious life of those in the provinces.

II  The Shinto Way of Life

1.  The Spirit of Shinto

A.  The Social Web: Shinto embraces the moral values of loyalty and duty to the family, clan, or group. Many aspects of Japanese culture illustrate this theme. For example, the word for human person is ningen (literally, "between people"). To be human is to be together with other persons. Japanese society emphasizes community over individuality. The Japanese language includes conventions for speaking to those above, at, or below one's social standing. Verbal communication thereby reinforces a hierarchically structured system of human relationships in which everyone participates. The correct use of Japanese language links a person to the social web.

Reinforcing the principle of duty is the feudal notion of on, "indebtedness". Though some Japanese will deny that this concept is relevant to the modern context, the principle of indebtedness still exerts powerful influence on Japanese social relationships. On arises when one receives something of value from another person. If, for example, one person saves another's life, this act establishes a special relationship between the two individuals, and the one who receives the benefit is placed in the debt of the other.

The feudal origins of on relate to a gift of land made by a lord to a vassal. In return, the vassal gave loyalty to the lord, thus establishing a mutual relationship of obligation. The parent/child relationship is also key. Children are to care for their parents in old age and to venerate them after they are dead. These two examples-lord/vassal, parent/child-show two important features of this system of indebtedness: the relationship often develops between a superior and an inferior and the relationship is between particular people, not just loyalty to an abstract moral principle.

Related to on is giri, a social obligation requiring Japanese to act according to strict social norms toward those with whom a relationship has developed. Giri is a broader concept than on in that giri applies not only in hierarchical relationships (say, emperor to subject) but also relationships with peers (say, between friends). One interesting expression of giri is gift giving, a regular occurrence in Japanese society. So many gifts are given, in fact, that wedding gifts are recycled.

B.  Aesthetic Sensitivity: In addition to group loyalty, the Japanese highly value aesthetic sensitivity and refinement. This aesthetic sensitivity is directly relevant to the Japanese understanding of religious faith. The Japanese value "poetic realities"-"realities of immediate experience and feeling that resist any description". For instance, Shinto speaks of naka ima (literally, the middle of now), the emphasis on living in the purity of the present moment.

By contrast, Western Christians often assume that right doctrine is centrally important to any religious faith. To the Japanese mind, this may not be so. From the Western perspective, the Japanese tendency toward vagueness and imprecision in religious expression is surprising, confusing, and even irritating. The Japanese way has its own rationale, however. Anyone who would understand the logic should enter into it and seek to appreciate it aesthetically.

The Japanese are known as an extraordinary gracious people. At the interpersonal level, Westerners are struck by the extreme deference that Japanese people often show. Yet while this courtesy is remarkable, Westerners should not misread it. In business negotiations, for instance, the Japanese can be uncommonly tough opponents. A certain external agreeableness can shield from Western view the deep loyalties that the Japanese have for all things Japanese.

C.  Emotional Depth and Purity of Heart: Another important feature of the Shinto view of life is its emotional depth and purity. We find this not only in the interest in ritual purification (harai) but also in the emphasis on a pure kokoro (heart). One cannot express Shinto morality in lists of rules. Shinto is more concerned to preserve or restore a ritual purity of an unclouded mind and an undefiled soul. These form the ground for proper action.

Truth (makoto) in this context is something lived out in kokoro. Truth is not propositional; truth does not refer to correct descriptions of actual states of affairs. Japanese expect that communicating makoto requires not explicit statements, but refined, allusive speech. This is most difficult for foreigners to master.

Shinto scholar Motoori Norinaga (1730-1801) captures this feature of Shinto. His concept is magokoro, "sincere heart", an ideal that combines both kokoro and makoto. Magokoro is the very essence of the gods and of whatever is divine within humans as well. The ideal is not a concept to be thought, however, but a quality to be experienced. Again, this sense of the quality of experience (over against an interest in precise theological statements) makes the Japanese religious experience quite different from that of Western forms of Protestant Christian experience.

2.  The Practice of Shinto

The actual lived experience of Shinto is quite varied, but mostly it centers around the Shinto shrine. (Shinto places of worship are called "shrines"; Buddhist places are termed "temples"). The sacred grounds of a Shinto shrine are marked off by torri, large sacred gates shaped something like the Greek letter 'Pi', only with two horizontal bars. Along the path from the torri to the main building, one always finds a laver for purification.

The main shrine building houses several areas. In the most sacred place is the shintai, an object such as a mirror, jewel, or sword that embodies the kami. The shintai is not itself the direct object of veneration. The faithful worship the deity that indwells the shintai.

A worshiper will approach the main building, stopping to cleanse with water. She will present offerings by throwing a coin in a collection box or by lighting incense. In front of the main shrine building, she faces the alter area, bows her head, claps twice to summon the kami, and holds her hands together in front of her face. In this stance, she offers prayers to the kami. For more devout followers, worship involves attention to ritual purification and quiet waiting in expectation for the kami to come and commune with the believer. In many homes, a small family alter (kamidana) provides a place where ancestors are reverenced.

Worship, however, is not confined to overtly religious acts. Community celebrations center around annual matsuri. Broadly, matsuri means all Shinto ritual, including the ritualization of life itself. More specifically, however, the matsuri is a local Shinto festival that celebrates a local kami and invokes its presence.

III  Shinto Resistance to Christianity

Although the new constitution stripped back the nationalism of the pre-war era, traditional Shinto continues as an aspect of contemporary Japanese life. Only about 1.5 million of the 120 million Japanese declare themselves Christians. But 112 million adhere to Shinto. Many Japanese see themselves as followers of several religions, for 93 million are also Buddhists!

Despite these numbers, however, 65% to 75% of Japanese claim to follow no personal religion. For the most part, religious allegiance is nominal. To be Shinto, in the mind of many Japanese people, is simply to be Japanese.

A major factor in the Japanese resistance to Christianity is its demand for exclusive religious allegiance. In a culture where Buddhism and Shinto have developed a "division of labor" (i.e., different tasks for different religions), this requirement for an either/or choice seems odd. For many Japanese, religions do not offer a personal faith; they provide ceremonial services. Traditionally, Buddhism conducts funerals, but Shinto performs weddings. Today, it is quite popular in Japan to have a "Christian" wedding. But this means only that the dress, format, and setting are Western and churchlike.

Ironically, of course, the Japanese are quite exclusive culturally. But religiously, they are syncretistic, and thus for Christianity to compel an exclusive commitment to its own teachings and to its God alone seems difficult.

Christian teaching did make significant inroads during the Christian century (1549-1649). St. Francis Xavier (1506-1552) first introduced Roman Catholicism to Japan and met with initial success. According to estimates, perhaps 10% of the population was Christian during that era.

Yet Christianity could not make the religious compromise that Buddhism made. Although Buddhism is as much a foreign religion as Christianity, its accommodation of Shinto (for instance, through honji suijaku) meant that Buddhism was thoroughly "Japanized". As an uncompromisingly monotheistic religion, Christianity could never consent to such a process. A century after Xavier, during the Tokugawa era, terrible persecution fueled by anti-foreign and anti-Western passions wiped out the Christian movement. Christianity did not return to Japan for over two hundred years.

In the novel Shogun, one person is forced to decide whether to remain a Christian. She says, "I have been a Christian for a hundred years. I have been Japanese for a thousand". This captures, in the Japanese spirit, the sense of many Japanese that adherence to the foreign religion about Jesus means somehow to betray something fundamentally Japanese. Therefore, the Japanese people have not chosen Christianity in large numbers.

Both the Japanese resistance to Christianity and Japan's allegiance to the new god of materialism are connected to the fact that Shinto kami are very immanent. Historically, in views where the gods indwell nature, it becomes difficult to distinguish the gods from nature. If one begins by saying that god refers to the life force immanent within nature, one ends up after a time only with nature. Thus the real religion of many Japanese, rightly proud of their economic achievements and power, is actually irreligious and secular.

Shinto is a deep tap root that sustains certain basic cultural customs or social patterns. It is also a bark that overlays a basically secular life orientation. But the real heart of the plant for many is participation in the business of business. The strongest personal religion is secular materialism.

Summary

Japan today is a leading participant in the worlds of global trade, scientific and technological research, and international politics. Yet despite the post-World War II economic miracle, the Japanese are a people quite unlike Westerners. Though they receive much from many cultures, they successfully domesticate those borrowings into their own ethos.

A Christian who encounters a Shinto person should recognize that very ancient and powerful traditions shape this person's life. The Japanese sense of decorum, politeness, and apparent cooperation can mask the deep currents of national loyalties and cultural values that flow through the soul of every Japanese person. Yet the Japanese culture, for all its beauty, does not meet the most basic aspirations of the human heart. These are longings planted by God who has put "eternity in our hearts" (Ecclesiastes 3:11).

An admirer of Shinto will come to Christ only when economic success, cultural achievements, and community relationships are understood for what they are: expressions of a desire for significance in life, but that act as false substitutes for a truly fulfilling relationship with the Creator God. Followers of Jesus can share with adherents of Shinto that he or she will not find ikigai in economic or material gain, in art or cultural tradition, in clan or community relationships, or in academic achievements, but only in Jesus.                _David Clark